 Petukhova Elena
“Niccolo M” Group of Companies
Quantitative methods in predicting voting result.
(On the case of governor’s election campaign, Russia).
The prediction of results of elections is a problem not
only in Russia but also in other countries. We propose the procedure of predicting the
results of election worked out on the base of governor’s election in one of Russian
regions (Tula) held in March of 2001.
Tula region is close to Moscow. The number of voters is 1 440 400. They
are older than 18 and officially live in the region. The administrative division: 23
districts. Tula region is famous with its gun-makers and spice-cakes.
In 2001 there were elections of Tula Governor. There were 6 candidates
(Governor nominees) and three of them had chances to win:
- Incumbent Governor Starodubtsev (Star).
- Head of gas producing company Sokolovskij (Sokol).
- Head of a district in Tula region Samoshin.
Other candidates almost have hot been conducting the electoral
campaign.
Specialists of the Center “Niccolo M” participated in that election
as consultants. The election campaign had lasted for 3 months until the Election Day – 8th
of April. Every two weeks “Niccolo M” conducted the quantitative survey on a sample
about 2500 respondents all over Tula Region. So, information was gathered out of 10
surveys.
1. Popularity of candidates.
Figure 1.

The first indicator of candidates’ potential to win is
their popularity or how many people know them. As for those three candidates in electoral
campaign in Tula Region the most famous was the incumbent governor Star. His popularity
was more than 90%. Other two candidates, Sokol and Samoshin were less known. Sokol (red
line, figure 1) started from 50%. Samoshin (blue line, figure 1), the head of his
District, was known for only 10% of electorate. The diagram demonstrates candidates’s
election campaigns. Sokol and Samoshin were very active in their campaigns. At the end of
the campaign all three candidates had equal popularity.
Trust.
The second indicator is trust – respondents
answering question: “Do you trust this candidate?” The figure 2 shows the changing
attitude towards each candidate from 10th of Jan. to 2nd of Apr.
Figure 2.

As we can see attitude towards Star and Sokol were
almost constant, no dramatic changes had happened. There was about 30% of electorate who
trusted Sokol. And at the end of electoral campaign more people confided in Star. The most
significant change took place in people’s attitudes towards Samoshin (blue line). His
intensive campaign firstly led him on the top of the list (10th of February),
and then it decreased to the level of Sokol. These changes were determined by the
direction of candidates’ electorate campaigns. Till March they conducted the positive
campaigns, they told about their business, family, future plans and so on. In March they
started to fight.
Voting.
The next figure shows the most important data –
voting. Voting data is close to data on “Trust”. The pick of popularity of Samoshin is
27% in the middle of February. After that he started to loose his preference. So in this
period something happened that changed the situation. In that period Star became more and
more popular. To the end of the campaign his electorate was twice more than his
competitors’. The final result of survey dated 2nd of April, showed the following: Star
had 34% of voters, Sokol had 17% and Samoshin had 18%.
Figure 3.

Anti-voting.
The question “Which candidate you will never
vote for?” helps to determine the percent of people who will never vote for the
candidate. As data shows in that campaign Star was absolutely inappropriate for more than
a third of electorate. He started from 37% of negative voting, at 18th of
February his anti-electorate was the biggest and then he started to win positions. At the
end of the campaign about 27% of electorate said that they would never vote for him. As
for other two candidates, they had much less “anti-voters” than Star. But their
dynamics were negative. The number of people who did not want to vote for them has been
increasing, especially after 18th of February. As was mentioned above, these
two candidates started to fight with each other while Star was not taken into
consideration as a leader.
Figure 4.

Ascribed chances.
Rating of candidates’ ascribed chances (Question: “How do you
think who will win the elections?”) gives the opportunity to calculate and predict the
decision making of people who will come for voting but till the last day have not decided
yet who they will vote for. About 5-10% of voters make their decision on polling station.
Part of them make rational choice. Their reason is not to vote for predetermined looser.
So, Star was perceived as a winner of elections for the whole campaign. He took the lead
at the rating of 23% and finished at 37%. Other candidates were perceived as winners
mostly in the middle of campaign (Figure 5).
Figure 5.

Turnout.
Figure 6.

Voting results depends on people’s electorate
activity. Analysis of candidates’ electorate showed that their activity is different.
Sokol and Samoshin were aspired to the same electorate that was not very active in compare
to Star’s electorate. Their electorate consisted of people with higher education, young
and middle aged, which live mostly in towns. Star’s electorate was people, which lived
in suburbs, older-aged, which get used to vote since Soviet times. So, predicting of
the turnout is the starting point of predicting the results of elections.
The number of people, who said in a last survey that they surely vote,
was 72% (last column, Figure 6). This number seemed to be very high. Russian local
elections are usually attended by less than 50% of electorate. Also we asked people if
they had voted in previous elections. The statistics says that Tula turnout on
presidential election in 2000 was 67% while 83% of respondents said they had voted. The
difference is 18%! The turnout on Parliament elections in 1999 was 61% while 71%
respondents said they had voted. The same situation was with previous governor’s
elections: the turnout was 58% and survey data was 70%. This increasing of previous
turnouts can be explained like that: the act of voting is socially approved. During
election campaign people hear every time that if they do not vote it will be the waste of
federal and local budget money. Taking into account the differences between statistics and
answers of respondents we crossed people who surely will vote with those who knew the
exact date of elections (8th of April) and the result of that calculation was
from 46% to 54% turnout, average – 50%.
Figure 7.

The next stage is to discover the activity of each
candidate’s electorate and core electorate which could be found out from data of
anti-voting and pair voting (situation of second round of elections, when there are
only two candidates).
The activity of people who vote for Star was very high – about 86% of
his electorate was going to vote.
The results of voting for other candidates, Sokol and Samoshin, were
equal at any level of turnout. So we could assume that they will have about 20% of
electorate each if 50% will come to polling stations. As for Star his rating depended on
turnout. It increased while turnout decreased. At turnout 100% he could get 34%. At the
level of 70% he could get 39%. If the turnout will be 50% he will get 46% of electorate
(Figure 7).
Election, 8th of Apr.
| |
Voting 8th
of April, % |
Predicted
result, % |
Turnout |
48 |
50 |
SAMOSHIN |
21 |
20 |
SOKOL |
19 |
20 |
STAR |
49 |
47 |
At 8th of April the turnout was 48%. Star won
the elections with 49%. Sokol has got 19% of electorate, Samoshin – 21%.
The data analysis was compared to dynamics of the
whole electoral situation for three months. On the results of the analysis we produced
the procedure of predicting voting results. The procedure allows predicting voting results
rather precisely. Thereby, election campaign was rather typical governor’s election in
Russia and at the same time it had some peculiarities that made the campaign interesting
from scientific and practice points of view. We consider this procedure as multi-purposed
and could be used for different levels of elections (federal, regional, local).
WAPOR ,USA, june, 2002 |